A Two-Pronged Crisis: Unraveling the Tangled Web of Layoffs and Domestic Fiscal Pressures

  

A country’s economic policies are, in essence, a reflection of the government’s commitment to the welfare of its people. However, Indonesia’s current macroeconomic dynamics reveal a troubling contradiction. On one hand, the public faces the threat of income loss due to a wave of layoffs that shows no signs of abating across various industrial sectors. On the other hand, the public’s remaining financial leeway is being increasingly squeezed by aggressive fiscal policies aimed at meeting government revenue targets. This phenomenon has sparked a structural debate regarding the effectiveness and long-term impact of a regulatory framework that is perceived as insensitive to the real purchasing power of economically vulnerable groups.

n   Weakening Manufacturing Sector and Rising Layoff Rates

Based on data compiled by the Ministry of Manpower (Kemnaker) and periodic reports from trusted media outlets such as Tempo.co and Detik.com, the number of workers forced to lose their jobs continues to rise significantly. This wave of layoffs is no longer a seasonal phenomenon but rather a structural lagging indicator of economic slowdown. Labor-intensive industrial sectors, such as textiles, apparel, and footwear, have been the hardest hit. Major industrial hubs—from West Java and Banten to Central Java—continue to account for the largest share of national employment statistics.

External factors such as the global economic slowdown and international geopolitical tensions have indeed contributed to the decline in the volume of Indonesia’s manufactured goods exports. However, domestic issues are no less critical. Soaring domestic operating costs, the flood of illegal imported products into the local market, and the failure of business incentives to function optimally have forced many corporate management teams to take extreme efficiency measures. The reduction in overtime hours and the curtailment of employment contracts that occurred several months earlier have now escalated into a wave of open, mass layoffs.

n   Fiscal Pressure Through VAT and Ambivalence in Government  Incentives

Amid these fragile labor market conditions, the government has instead taken bold steps to safeguard the health of the state budget. The phased implementation of value-added tax (VAT) rate increases—including adjustments that have been in effect since the Tax Regulation Harmonization Act (UU HPP) was enacted—places an additional direct burden on end consumers. VAT is regressive; that is, the amount of this tax relative to income takes up a much larger share for low-income and middle-class people than for the wealthy elite.

The government argues that a number of basic necessities, such as rice, eggs, and meat, as well as essential services like education and healthcare, are exempt from VAT to protect low-income communities. Temporary economic stimulus packages—such as VAT subsidies for the affordable housing sector, limited-scale electricity rate discounts, and government-funded income tax (PPh Article 21) incentives—have also been rolled out.

However, a report by an economic analyst on Kompas.com indicates that the effectiveness of this social safety net is still far from adequate. VAT increases in the logistics sector, on unsubsidized fuel, retail goods, and the secondary industry supply chain continue to trigger a domino effect that raises the prices of basic necessities in general, which ultimately erodes the public’s real purchasing power.

n   Systemic Impacts on Household Purchasing Power and Consumption

Household consumption has long been the main driver of Indonesia’s economic growth, contributing more than 50 percent to gross domestic product (GDP). As the middle class—which does not receive cash social assistance from the government but is not wealthy enough to be immune to inflation—is squeezed by fears of layoffs and price spikes caused by taxes, they respond by tightening their spending. The retail sector and micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) were the first to feel the slump in market demand. This decline in retail sales volume ultimately triggered a vicious cycle: sales fell, factory profitability plummeted, and the possibility of further layoffs reemerged as companies sought to maintain their operations.

n   Fiscal Governance Reform and Crisis Mitigation Strategies

To break this vicious cycle, the government can no longer rely solely on a rigid, one-dimensional approach focused solely on meeting tax revenue targets. Aggressive fiscal policies must be radically balanced with efficiency in government spending and a more equitable expansion of the tax base—such as optimizing a wealth tax on the ultra-wealthy—rather than continuing to expand levies on commodities consumed by the general public. The government-formed Layoff Task Force (Satgas PHK) needs to be equipped with concrete policy instruments capable of alleviating the structural burdens on the business sector. Incentives in the form of reduced corporate income tax rates for labor-intensive industries that commit to avoiding layoffs should be seriously considered.

On the other hand, accountability and transparency in the use of public funds are absolute prerequisites for restoring public trust. The people will not object to paying taxes if they see those funds returned in the form of quality public services, infrastructure that supports the economic mobility of the lower classes, and a responsive social safety net when employment crises strike. Conversely, if the national budget continues to be spent on vanity projects driven by the political interests of the elite and prone to corruption, then the austerity measures forced upon the people will only create a ticking time bomb of social unrest that threatens national stability. *

The Rule of Law: Restoring the Essence of Justice Through the Death Penalty for Corrupt Officials

The death penalty for corrupt officials is a legitimate, just, and crucial instrument of law enforcement to save Indonesia’s future from the economic and social ruin caused by corruption. As an “extraordinary crime,” corruption in Indonesia no longer merely causes financial losses to the state but has also massively violated the social and economic rights of the people. When these corrupt practices are carried out systematically by the elite — including government officials, businesspeople, members of the House of Representatives (DPR) and Regional Representative Councils (DPRD), military personnel, and even law enforcement officials themselves (such as police, judges, prosecutors, lawyers, and court clerks)— the law must no longer be compromising.

The imposition of the death penalty is not merely a manifestation of public outrage, but rather a means of restoring the most fundamental function of the law: to establish the highest form of justice, social order, and an absolute deterrent effect. The urgency of imposing the death penalty becomes increasingly evident when we consider the scale of financial devastation caused by corrupt perpetrators. Based on periodic data from Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) reports, the estimated financial losses to the state due to corruption have skyrocketed to staggering levels. While state losses were recorded at Rp28.4 trillion in the previous period (2023), that figure surged sharply by 885.2% to Rp279.9 trillion.

This massive surge is dominated by cases of mega-corruption—one of which is the manipulation of the tin commodity trade within the mining concession (IUP) area of PT Timah Tbk, which alone accounts for losses of Rp271 trillion, or approximately 96.8% of the total national losses. In fact, cumulative prosecution data from law enforcement agencies indicates that the potential risk of state losses has already reached Rp300.86 trillion. The loss of public funds on a scale of hundreds of trillions of rupiah is equivalent to depriving millions of poor people of their rights to free healthcare, adequate education, social security, and equitable access to basic infrastructure.

Legally speaking, Indonesia’s positive law framework has actually provided for the imposition of the death penalty on corruption offenders. Article 2, Paragraph (2) of Law No. 31 of 1999 on the Eradication of Corruption Crimes (Anti-Corruption Law) explicitly states that under “certain circumstances,” the death penalty may be imposed on corruption offenders. The explanatory notes to this article categorize “certain circumstances” as emergency conditions, such as when the nation is in danger, a national natural disaster occurs, there is a recurrence of corruption offenses, or when the nation is experiencing an economic and monetary crisis.

This regulation reaffirms that, from a formal legal standpoint, this punitive measure is valid. Arguments claiming that the death penalty violates the law are, in fact, contradictory, unrealistic, and counterproductive, as this measure stems from the legal system itself and was created to address extraordinary situations. Rejecting the existence of the death penalty within the hierarchy of criminal sanctions could indirectly undermine the authority of the law; it would be as if the law had lost its teeth in the face of those who seek to destroy the nation and the state.

In the global discourse, the imposition of the death penalty is not a step backward for civilization or a form of modern barbarism. The facts show that developed countries with modern judicial systems, such as the United States and Japan, still retain and apply the death penalty within their legal systems. In Asia, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) serves as the most concrete example of how the strict enforcement of the law can transform the landscape of anti-corruption efforts.

(iStockphoto/PsychoBeard) 

Through an aggressive anti-corruption campaign, courts in China have not hesitated to execute high-ranking officials found guilty of accepting bribes or embezzling public funds on a massive scale. As a concrete example, Chinese courts have handed down death sentences to former high-ranking officials, such as Li Jianping for large-scale embezzlement of public funds, and Yang Youlin, who was sentenced to death for accepting a massive bribe worth 2.2 billion yuan—equivalent to Rp5.8 trillion. This uncompromising approach has been empirically proven to drastically reduce corruption rates in China and instill a genuine fear among officials who intend to embezzle public funds.

Although public pressure is very strong, the application of the death penalty in Indonesia continues to face resistance from a number of civil society organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), such as Amnesty International Indonesia, KontraS, ELSAM, and the Network Against the Death Penalty. These groups generally put forward human rights-based arguments, asserting that the right to life is an absolute (non-derogable) right that cannot be revoked by the state under any circumstances. They also frequently voice concerns about the potential for a miscarriage of justice, noting that errors in death penalty convictions are irreversible.

However, this argument in defense of human rights for corrupt officials needs to be reconsidered in a balanced manner. Corruption committed by public officials is, in essence, a grave human rights violation against the right to life of millions of people. Placing a corrupt official’s right to life above the right to life of the suffering public is an irony of justice. The law serves a philosophical function as an instrument of retributive justice as well as a deterrent for the greater good.

If the most feared punitive measure—namely, the loss of life—is removed from the legal system under the pretext of a spurious humanitarian justification, then the law’s effectiveness in curbing extraordinary levels of crime will be weakened. Empirical evidence in Indonesia shows that prison sentences—even life imprisonment and fines—have by no means produced the maximum deterrent effect. Based on the KPK’s analysis of the social costs of corruption, there is an extreme disparity between the value of the embezzled funds and the ability to recover assets for the state. 

For example, ICW points out that, out of the total potential state losses amounting to hundreds of trillions of rupiah, the actual amount recovered through asset recovery or forfeiture is often minimal. This situation allows corrupt officials to rationally calculate their actions: they are willing to risk spending several years in prison because the financial penalties are far smaller than the accumulated wealth they have successfully hidden to enjoy after their release. The deterrent effect of physical punishment in the form of imprisonment is diminished by the possibility of remission or exclusive privileges within prisons.

Conversely, the death penalty cuts across such rational calculations because human life has no material exchange value. Therefore, implementing the death penalty for corrupt officials in Indonesia is no longer merely a political discourse, but an urgent necessity to save the nation and the state from moral and structural collapse. To prevent abuse and ensure justice, its implementation must, of course, be carried out through a judicial process that is extremely rigorous, transparent, objective, and free from political interference.

Law enforcement officials must possess the collective courage to enforce the death penalty provisions already established in the law. When the law is enforced with absolute firmness and without favoritism, the law’s function in creating justice, order, and ridding the state apparatus of a corrupt mentality can be fully realized, leading Indonesia toward a new era that is (more) clean and dignified. ***

Hukum yang Berdaulat: Mengembalikan Esensi Keadilan Lewat Pidana Mati Koruptor

 

Hukuman mati bagi koruptor adalah instrumen penegakan hukum yang sah, adil, dan krusial untuk menyelamatkan masa depan Indonesia dari kehancuran ekonomi dan sosial akibat korupsi. Sebagai salah satu kejahatan luar biasa (extraordinary crime), korupsi di Indonesia tidak lagi sekadar merugikan keuangan negara, melainkan telah melanggar hak-hak sosial dan ekonomi masyarakat secara masif. Ketika praktik lancung ini dilakukan secara sistemik oleh elite pejabat negara, pengusaha, anggota DPR/DPRD, personel TNI, hingga aparat penegak hukum sendiri (seperti polisi, hakim, jaksa, pengacara, dan panitera), maka hukum tidak boleh lagi bersikap kompromistis.

Penerapan sanksi pidana mati bukan sekadar manifestasi dari kemarahan publik, melainkan bentuk pemulihan fungsi hukum yang paling mendasar: menciptakan keadilan tertinggi, ketertiban sosial, serta efek jera yang mutlak. Urgensi penerapan hukuman mati ini kian nyata jika kita melihat skala kehancuran finansial yang ditimbulkan oleh para pelaku korupsi. Berdasarkan data berkala dari laporan Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW), nilai potensi kerugian keuangan negara akibat korupsi melonjak sangat fantastis. Jika pada periode sebelumnya (2023) kerugian negara tercatat sebesar Rp28,4 triliun, angka tersebut meroket tajam hingga 885,2% menjadi Rp279,9 triliun.

Lonjakan masif ini didominasi oleh kasus-kasus korupsi berskala mega (megacorruption) —— salah satunya adalah penyelewengan tata niaga komoditas timah di wilayah IUP PT Timah Tbk yang sendirian menyumbang kerugian sebesar Rp271 triliun atau sekitar 96,8% dari total kerugian nasional. Bahkan, data kumulatif penuntutan dari lembaga penegak hukum menunjukkan potensi risiko kerugian negara yang telanjur menyentuh angka Rp300,86 triliun. Kehilangan dana publik dalam skala ratusan triliun rupiah ini setara dengan merampas hak jutaan rakyat miskin atas fasilitas kesehatan gratis, pendidikan layak, jaminan sosial, dan pemerataan infrastruktur dasar.

Secara yuridis, fondasi hukum positif di Indonesia sebenarnya telah mengomodasi ruang penjatuhan hukuman mati bagi para pelaku korupsi. Pasal 2 Ayat (2) Undang-Undang Nomor 31 Tahun 1999 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (UU Tipikor) secara eksplisit menyatakan bahwa dalam "keadaan tertentu", pidana mati dapat dijatuhkan kepada pelaku korupsi. Penjelasan pasal tersebut mengategorikan keadaan tertentu sebagai kondisi darurat, seperti saat negara berada dalam bahaya, terjadi bencana alam nasional, pengulangan tindak pidana korupsi, atau ketika negara mengalami krisis ekonomi dan moneter.

Aturan tersebut mempertegas bahwa secara legal formal, instrumen pemidanaan ini sah. Argumen yang menyatakan bahwa hukuman mati melanggar hukum justru kontradiktif, tidak realistis, dan kontraproduktif karena instrumen ini lahir dari produk legislasi hukum itu sendiri untuk menghadapi situasi yang luar biasa. Penolakan terhadap eksistensi hukuman mati dalam hierarki sanksi pidana secara tidak langsung dapat mereduksi kewibawaan hokum; seolah-olah hukum kehilangan taringnya di hadapan para perusak bangsa dan negara.

Dalam diskursus global, penjatuhan hukuman mati bukanlah sebuah kemunduran peradaban atau bentuk barbarisme modern. Fakta menunjukkan bahwa negara-negara maju yang memiliki sistem peradilan modern, seperti Amerika Serikat dan Jepang, masih mempertahankan dan menerapkan hukuman mati dalam sistem hukum mereka. Di Asia, Republik Rakyat Cina (RRC) menjadi contoh paling empiris mengenai bagaimana ketegasan hukum mampu mengubah lanskap pemberantasan korupsi. 

Zhao Zhihong, terpidana kasus korupsi di Cina, divonis hukuman mati.
(Sumber: Imagine China/REX/Shutterstock/mirror.co.uk)

Melalui kampanye antikorupsi yang agresif, pengadilan di Cina tidak ragu mengeksekusi mati pejabat tinggi yang terbukti menerima suap atau menggelapkan dana publik dalam jumlah fantastis. Sebagai contoh faktual, pengadilan Cina menjatuhkan vonis mati kepada mantan pejabat tinggi, seperti Li Jianping atas penggelapan dana publik berskala besar, dan Yang Youlin yang divonis mati karena menerima suap jumbo senilai 2,2 miilar yuan atau setara Rp5,8 triliun. Ketegasan tanpa pandang bulu ini terbukti secara empiris mampu menekan angka korupsi secara drastis di Cina dan menumbuhkan rasa takut yang nyata bagi para pejabat yang berniat menyelewengkan uang rakyat.

Meskipun desakan publik sangat kuat, penerapan hukuman mati di Indonesia terus menghadapi resistensi dari sejumlah organisasi masyarakat sipil dan lembaga swadaya masyarakat (LSM), seperti Amnesty International Indonesia, KontraS, ELSAM, dan Jaringan Tolak Hukuman Mati. Kelompok-kelompok ini umumnya mengajukan argumen berbasis hak asasi manusia (HAM), dengan menyatakan bahwa hak untuk hidup (right to life) bersifat absolut (non-derogable right) dan tidak dapat dicabut oleh negara dalam keadaan apa pun. Mereka juga kerap menyuarakan kekhawatiran terhadap potensi miscarriage of justice atau peradilan sesat, yang di dalamnya kesalahan vonis pada hukuman mati bersifat ireversibel (tidak dapat dipulihkan).

Namun, argumen pembelaan HAM bagi koruptor ini perlu ditimbang kembali secara proporsional. Korupsi yang dilakukan oleh pejabat publik hakikatnya adalah pelanggaran HAM berat terhadap hak hidup jutaan rakyat. Menempatkan hak hidup seorang koruptor di atas hak hidup kedaulatan publik (rakyat) yang sengsara adalah sebuah ironi keadilan. Hukum memiliki fungsi filosofis sebagai instrumen pembalasan yang setimpal (retributive justice) sekaligus pencegahan (deterrent effect) demi kemaslahatan yang lebih besar.

Jika sebuah instrumen penghukuman yang paling ditakuti (yaitu hilangnya nyawa) ditiadakan dari mekanisme hukum dengan alasan kemanusiaan yang semu, maka efektivitas hukum dalam menekan angka kejahatan luar biasa akan melemah. Fakta empiris di Indonesia menunjukkan bahwa sanksi penjara —— bahkan penjara seumur hidup dan tuntutan denda —— sama sekali belum memberikan efek jera yang maksimum. Berdasarkan catatan analisis biaya sosial korupsi KPK, terdapat ketimpangan ekstrem antara nilai yang dikorupsi dengan kemampuan pengembalian aset (asset recovery) kepada negara.

Sebagai contoh, ICW menyoroti dari total potensi kerugian negara ratusan triliun rupiah, realisasi nilai pemulihan aset atau perampasan uang pengganti sering kali berjalan sangat minim. Kondisi ini membuat koruptor mengalkulasikan tindakan mereka secara rasional: mereka berani mengambil risiko dipenjara beberapa tahun karena sanksi finansial hukumannya jauh lebih kecil dibanding akumulasi harta yang berhasil mereka sembunyikan untuk dinikmati setelah bebas. Sanksi fisik berupa kurungan kehilangan daya gentarnya akibat adanya peluang remisi atau fasilitas eksklusif di dalam lapas. 

Supriadi (peci putih), narapidana korupsi di Indonesia, keluyuran ke kafe. (Foto: Istimewa/detik.com) 

Sebaliknya, hukuman mati memotong kalkulasi rasional tersebut karena nyawa manusia tidak memiliki nilai tukar materi. Oleh karena itu, merealisasikan hukuman mati bagi koruptor di Indonesia bukan lagi sekadar wacana politik, melainkan kebutuhan mendesak untuk menyelamatkan bangsa dan negara dari kebangkrutan moral dan struktural. Untuk menghindari penyalahgunaan dan menjamin keadilan, penerapannya tentu wajib dilakukan dengan proses peradilan yang superketat, transparan, objektif, dan bebas dari intervensi politik. 

Penegak hukum harus memiliki keberanian kolektif untuk mengeksekusi pasal-pasal pidana mati yang sudah tersedia dalam undang-undang. Ketika hukum ditegakkan dengan ketegasan mutlak tanpa pandang bulu, maka fungsi hukum dalam menciptakan keadilan, ketertiban, dan pembersihan aparatur negara dari mentalitas korup dapat terwujud seutuhnya, membawa Indonesia menuju era baru yang (lebih) bersih dan bermartabat. ***

Krisis Dua Sisi: Membedah Benang Kusut Badai PHK dan Tekanan Fiskal Domestik

 

Kebijakan ekonomi negara sejatinya menjadi cerminan dari keberpihakan penguasa terhadap kemaslahatan rakyatnya. Namun, dinamika makroekonomi Indonesia saat ini justru memperlihatkan kontradiksi yang mengkhawatirkan. Di satu sisi, masyarakat dihadapkan pada ancaman hilangnya pendapatan akibat gelombang pemutusan hubungan kerja (PHK) yang tak kunjung mereda di berbagai sektor industri. Di sisi lain, sisa ruang finansial yang dimiliki masyarakat kian diperas oleh penetapan target penerimaan negara melalui kebijakan fiskal yang agresif. Fenomena ini memicu perdebatan struktural mengenai efektivitas serta dampak jangka panjang dari kombinasi regulasi yang dinilai kurang sensitif terhadap daya beli riil masyarakat ekonomi lemah.

Melemahnya Fondasi Manufaktur dan Eskalasi Angka PHK

Berdasarkan data yang dihimpun oleh Kementerian Ketenagakerjaan (Kemnaker) serta laporan berkala media terpercaya seperti Tempo.co dan Detik.com, angka pekerja yang terpaksa kehilangan pekerjaan terus merangkak naik secara signifikan. Badai PHK ini tidak lagi menjadi fenomena musiman, melainkan sebuah indikator perlambatan ekonomi yang bersifat struktural (lagging indicator). Sektor industri padat karya, seperti tekstil, pakaian jadi, dan alas kaki, menjadi wilayah terdampak paling parah. Wilayah-wilayah sentra industri utama, mulai dari Jawa Barat, Banten, hingga Jawa Tengah, terus menyumbang porsi terbesar dalam statistik kasus ketenagakerjaan nasional.

Data PHK hingga Juni 2025
(Sumber: https://katadata.co.id/infografik/)

Faktor eksternal seperti kelesuan ekonomi global dan ketegangan geopolitik internasional memang turut andil dalam menekan volume ekspor komoditas manufaktur Indonesia. Namun, masalah internal di dalam negeri tidak kalah krusial. Melonjaknya biaya operasional domestik, serbuan produk impor ilegal di pasar lokal, serta tidak berjalannya insentif dunia usaha secara optimal memaksa banyak manajemen korporasi mengambil langkah efisiensi yang ekstrem. Pengurangan jam lembur dan pemangkasan kontrak kerja yang terjadi beberapa bulan sebelumnya kini telah bermutasi menjadi gelombang PHK massal secara terbuka.

 
Tekanan Fiskal Melalui PPN dan Ambivalensi Insentif Pemerintah

Di tengah rapuhnya kondisi ketenagakerjaan tersebut, pemerintah justru mengambil langkah berani demi mengamankan kesehatan APBN. Implementasi kenaikan tarif pajak pertambahan nilai (PPN) yang bertahap, termasuk penyesuaian tarif yang berjalan sejak UU Harmonisasi Peraturan Perpajakan (UU HPP) diketuk, menaruh beban tambahan langsung pada pundak konsumen akhir. PPN bersifat regresif; artinya, besaran pengeluaran pajak ini relatif memakan porsi pendapatan yang jauh lebih besar bagi masyarakat berpenghasilan rendah dan kelas menengah dibandingkan kelompok elite yang kaya raya.

Pemerintah berargumen bahwa sejumlah barang kebutuhan pokok, seperti beras, telur, daging, serta jasa esensial seperti pendidikan dan kesehatan, dibebaskan dari pengenaan tarif PPN untuk melindungi masyarakat kurang mampu. Paket-paket stimulus ekonomi temporer, seperti subsidi PPN untuk sektor properti rumah sederhana, diskon tarif listrik berskala terbatas, hingga insentif PPh Pasal 21 ditanggung pemerintah, juga digulirkan.

Namun, laporan dari pengamat ekonomi di Kompas.com menunjukkan bahwa efektivitas jaring pengaman sosial ini masih jauh dari kata memadai. Kenaikan PPN pada sektor logistik, bahan bakar nonsubsidi, barang ritel, dan rantai pasok industri sekunder tetap memicu efek domino yang menaikkan harga-harga barang kebutuhan secara umum, yang pada akhirnya menggerus daya beli riil masyarakat.

 

Dampak Sistemik Terhadap Daya Beli dan Konsumsi Rumah Tangga

Konsumsi rumah tangga selama ini menjadi mesin penggerak utama pertumbuhan ekonomi Indonesia, dengan kontribusi mencapai lebih dari 50 persen terhadap produk domestik bruto (PDB). Pada saat masyarakat kelas menengah — yang tidak menerima bantuan sosial tunai dari pemerintah, tetapi tidak cukup kaya untuk kebal terhadap inflasi — dijepit oleh ketakutan akan PHK dan lonjakan harga akibat pajak, mereka merespons dengan menahan belanja (saving tightening). Sektor ritel dan pelaku usaha mikro, kecil, dan menengah (UMKM) menjadi pihak pertama yang merasakan lesunya serapan pasar. Penurunan volume penjualan ritel ini akhirnya memicu lingkaran setan (vicious cycle): penjualan menurun, profitabilitas pabrik anjlok, dan potensi PHK lanjutan kembali terbuka demi menjaga kelangsungan operasional perusahaan.

 

UMKM (Foto: Akhmad Zamroni)

Reformasi Tata Kelola Fiskal dan Strategi Mitigasi Krisis

Guna memutus lingkaran setan ini, pemerintah tidak bisa lagi hanya mengandalkan pendekatan satu arah yang kaku dalam mengejar target penerimaan perpajakan semata. Kebijakan fiskal yang agresif harus diimbangi secara radikal dengan efisiensi belanja negara dan perluasan basis pajak yang lebih berkeadilan, seperti optimalisasi pajak kekayaan (wealth tax) bagi kelompok superkaya, ketimbang terus memperluas pungutan pada komoditas masyarakat luas. Satuan tugas (Satgas) PHK yang dibentuk pemerintah perlu dilengkapi dengan instrumen kebijakan riil yang mampu meringankan beban struktural dunia usaha. Insentif berupa penurunan tarif pajak penghasilan badan untuk industri padat karya yang berkomitmen tidak melakukan PHK perlu dipertimbangkan secara serius.

Di sisi lain, akuntabilitas dan transparansi penggunaan dana publik menjadi syarat mutlak untuk memulihkan kepercayaan publik (public trust). Rakyat tidak akan keberatan membayar pajak jika mereka melihat dana tersebut kembali dalam bentuk pelayanan publik yang berkualitas, infrastruktur yang menunjang mobilitas ekonomi bawah, serta jaring pengaman sosial yang responsif saat krisis ketenagakerjaan melanda. Sebaliknya, jika anggaran negara terus dihabiskan untuk proyek-proyek mercusuar yang sarat kepentingan politik elite dan rentan bocor akibat korupsi, maka pengetatan ikat pinggang yang dipaksakan kepada rakyat hanya akan menumpuk bom waktu gejolak sosial yang mengancam stabilitas nasional. *

Ironi Negeri Kaya: Saat Kebijakan Fiskal Mencekik Rakyat dan Memanjakan Elite

Oleh Akhmad Zamroni

Indonesia saat ini tengah menghadapi gelombang keprihatinan sosial dan ekonomi yang mendalam. Di tengah situasi global yang tidak menentu, perhatian publik tertuju pada arah kebijakan domestik yang dinilai makin menjauh dari keadilan sosial. Berbagai program unggulan yang digulirkan pemerintahan Presiden Prabowo Subianto, seperti program Makan Bergizi Gratis (MBG) dan pembentukan Koperasi Desa Merah Putih, awalnya dipromosikan sebagai angin segar bagi pemulihan ekonomi masyarakat bawah. Namun, dalam realitas implementasinya, kebijakan-kebijakan tersebut dinilai lebih menguntungkan kelompok elite, kaum oligarki, serta memperkuat dominasi pengaruh kroni politik di lingkaran kekuasaan.

Banyak analisis ekonomi politik dari berbagai lembaga swadaya masyarakat dan laporan media kredibel, seperti Kompas.com dan Tempo.co, menyoroti adanya salah sasaran dalam distribusi nilai tambah dari program-program raksasa ini. Program Makan Bergizi Gratis, misalnya, menelan anggaran Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara (APBN) yang sangat fantastis. Alih-alih murni menggerakkan perekonomian warung-warung kecil atau petani lokal di seluruh pelosok daerah secara merata, rantai pasok penyediaan logistik skala masif ini diduga kuat dikuasai oleh korporasi-korporasi besar yang terafiliasi dengan jaringan kroni dan oligarki baru.

Program MBG (Foto: Tempo-Tony Hartawan)

Distribusi proyek infrastruktur pendukungnya pun dinilai bias dan berpusat di wilayah tertentu sehingga memicu ketimpangan wilayah serta pemborosan anggaran akibat tata kelola yang buruk. Hal serupa terjadi pada restrukturisasi kelembagaan desa melalui program koperasi merah putih yang rentan ditumpangi kepentingan politik elektoral sekadar untuk memelihara basis kekuasaan di tingkat akar rumput. Kondisi ini diperparah oleh meluasnya kesan bahwa alokasi sumber daya negara kian condong pada penguatan sektor keamanan dan pertahanan, dengan porsi perhatian khusus pada institusi TNI dan Polri demi stabilitas politik formal.

Prioritas anggaran defensif itu terasa kontras dengan nasib pemenuhan hak-hak dasar masyarakat sipil. Pada saat instrumen negara diperkuat secara logistik, jaminan ruang hidup untuk keadilan ekologis dan ekonomi rakyat justru kian menyempit akibat ekspansi industri besar. Sementara itu, para elite menikmati kue kekuasaan, masyarakat kelas menengah dan bawah dipaksa menelan pil pahit akibat kombinasi kebijakan fiskal yang agresif dan situasi pasar kerja yang memburuk.

Untuk mendanai belanja negara yang membengkak, pemerintah terus mengejar target penerimaan pajak yang sangat tinggi. Langkah ini diwujudkan melalui penyesuaian tarif pajak pertambahan Nnilai (PPN) yang merangkak naik serta perluasan basis pungutan pajak lainnya yang secara langsung memicu kenaikan harga barang pokok dan menurunkan daya beli. Rakyat merasa makin terbebani karena kenaikan pungutan ini tidak diimbangi dengan perbaikan kualitas pelayanan publik yang signifikan atau jaminan sosial yang memadai.

Koperasi Desa Merah Putih (Foto: Kompas.com-Bayu Apriliano) 

Ironisnya, tekanan pajak tersebut justru beriringan dengan badai pemutusan hubungan kerja (PHK) yang terus menggulung sektor industri nasional, khususnya industri manufaktur dan padat karya. Berdasarkan data resmi Kementerian Ketenagakerjaan (Kemnaker) yang diliput luas oleh media nasional, angka pekerja yang kehilangan mata pencaharian terus meningkat pesat. Wilayah-wilayah pusat industri besar, seperti Jawa Barat, Banten, dan Jawa Timur, menjadi daerah terdampak paling parah dari fenomena ini. Melemahnya permintaan pasar global dan kenaikan biaya operasional domestik membuat banyak pabrik melakukan efisiensi ketat, meninggalkan puluhan ribu buruh terdampar tanpa kepastian masa depan ekonomi keluarga mereka.

Di atas semua penderitaan ekonomi tersebut, hal yang paling melukai rasa keadilan publik adalah praktik korupsi yang kian dilakukan secara terang-terangan dan masif. Risiko kebocoran sistemik di dalam proyek-proyek strategis nasional beranggaran jumbo dinilai sangat tinggi akibat lemahnya sistem pengawasan hukum dan hilangnya transparansi tata kelola. Sentimen publik mencerminkan keprihatinan mendalam bahwa hukum sering kali tajam ke bawah dalam penegakan kepatuhan wajib pajak rakyat kecil, tetapi tumpul ke atas ketika berhadapan dengan penyelewengan dana publik oleh aktor-aktor politik besar.

Kombinasi antara beban pajak yang menjepit, gelombang pengangguran baru akibat PHK, penyalahgunaan anggaran, dan suburnya korupsi menciptakan kesenjangan yang makin lebar antara penguasa dan rakyat. Jika pemerintah tidak segera melakukan evaluasi radikal, membenahi tata kelola program nasional secara inklusif, dan mengembalikan orientasi kebijakan pada asas kemaslahatan murni rakyat banyak, maka stabilitas social-ekonomi yang dicita-citakan menuju Indonesia Emas berisiko runtuh dan hanya menyisakan narasi kemakmuran semu bagi beberapa gelintir elite semata. *

A Brief History of the Implementation of Democracy Around the World

 By Akhmad Zamroni

The implementation or application of democracy is inseparable from the assumption that democracy is a sound political or constitutional system, one that is believed to bring about many positive outcomes. Samuel Huntington, a political scientist at Harvard University, identified three waves of democracy in the political systems of various countries. The first wave of democracy occurred during the French Revolution and the American Revolution, marked by the expansion of suffrage (1828–1926). The second wave of democracy emerged during and after World War II as a result of Allied occupations that spurred the formation of new institutions (1943–1962). The third wave of democracy emerged, marked by the large number of countries worldwide that adopted democracy as their political system (1974–... ).

However, the history of democracy actually began long before the period outlined by Huntington. The waves of democracy described by Huntington represent the practice of democracy in its modern and complex form. Democracy in its simplest form, however, had been practiced since ancient Greece in the pre-Christian era.

Democracy was first implemented in Greece from the 6th to the 3rd centuries BCE. The implementation of democracy at that time was based on the concept of democracy from ancient Greek culture. The form or model of democracy adopted was direct democracy, which was applied on a limited basis in entities known as city-states—small states whose territory was confined to a single city.

Direct democracy is a form of government in which political decisions and policies are made directly by all citizens, acting in accordance with the principles and procedures of majority rule. Direct democracy could be effectively implemented in Greece at that time because living conditions were still simple, its scope of application was limited (a state consisting of a city and its surrounding areas), and the population was small (approximately 300,000 citizens in a single city-state). Direct democracy could also be implemented effectively because democratic provisions applied only to official citizens, who constituted only a small portion of the population—democracy did not apply to slaves and foreign merchants (who made up the majority of the population).

Foto: Council of Europe/Facebook

The Greek democratic system gradually faded and disappeared from the political system and life of the Western world after the Romans—who had still adopted the Greek democratic system—were conquered by Western European tribes and the European continent entered the Middle Ages (600–1400). The Middle Ages are often equated with the Dark Ages. The social structure of that era was feudal; social and spiritual life was controlled by the Pope and religious officials, and the political landscape was marked by power struggles among the nobility.

The ideas and practice of democracy began to show signs of revival following the emergence of the Magna Carta in 1215 in England. This document was created, on the one hand, to limit the rights or powers of the king (King John of England) and, on the other hand, to recognize and guarantee certain rights and privileges of the king’s subjects (the nobility). Given its nature, the Magna Carta became a milestone in the resurgence of democratic ideas and practices.

The emergence of the Renaissance (1350–1600) and the Reformation (1500–1650) reinforced the rise of democracy. The Renaissance, which emerged primarily in Southern Europe (particularly Italy), was an era marked by a resurgence of interest in classical literature (ancient Greece), the development of new arts and literature, and the growth of modern science — fields that had been marginalized during the Middle Ages. Meanwhile, the Reformation was a reform movement that gained significant support in Northern Europe (Germany, Switzerland, and elsewhere).

During the Middle Ages, the European public’s attention was focused solely on religious matters and the edicts of church leaders. However, thanks to the Renaissance, the European public’s attention shifted to secular issues, and many new ideas began to emerge. Meanwhile, the Reformation and the religious conflicts that followed freed society from the church’s dominance in the spiritual, social, and political spheres. This led to the separation of church and state. At that time, the idea of the importance of religious freedom and a clear separation between religious and secular matters — particularly in the realm of state affairs or governance — gained significant traction.

The Renaissance and the Reformation subsequently led European (Western European) society to what is known as the Enlightenment and rationalism. The Enlightenment was a movement that emphasized the use of reason, advocated a critical approach to thought, and encouraged the investigation of everything in the natural world, while rationalism was a movement that prioritized reason. Both sparked a desire to free people’s minds from the constraints imposed by the church and to base thought entirely on reason.

Reaseach & Writing: Dorothy Neufeld and Niccolo Conte; Design: Sabrina Lam

Freedom of thought paved the way for the expansion of ideas in the fields of politics and government. From this arose the idea that the people possessed political rights that could not be manipulated by the king. The king, who at that time held absolute (unlimited) power, faced intense criticism and pressure. Criticism of royal absolutism received massive support from the middle class.

The emergence of the idea or theory of the social contract further reinforced the understanding and awareness that the king’s power was not absolute and that society (the people) possessed political rights that must be respected. The idea of the social contract (which, among other sources, emerged from the writings of John Locke and Montesquieu) asserts that the relationship between the king and the people is based on a contract whose clauses are binding and must be obeyed by both parties. The social contract stipulates that the king is granted power by the people to maintain order and create conditions that allow the people to safely enjoy and exercise their natural rights, while the people are obligated to obey the king’s government to the extent that their natural rights are duly guaranteed by the king.

The idea that the people possess political rights sparked the French Revolution in the late 18th century and the American Revolution in the 18th century. Both revolutions were marked by popular resistance against the king’s absolute power. The fall of absolute monarchy allowed democracy to take shape once again. Furthermore, as a result of developments in various spheres of life, the democratic system adopted is no longer a pure or fully direct democracy (as in ancient Greece), but has increasingly shifted toward representative democracy.

The concept and implementation of democracy began to take concrete form as a political program and system (government/state structure) toward the end of the 19th century. By the mid-20th century, following the end of World War II and the liberation of many nations from colonialism and imperialism, democracy began to play a significant role as a system of government and state administration. And now, at the beginning of the 21st century, democracy has become a system of government—and a way of life—that is widely embraced by people across the globe.

It could be said that in the 21st century, the world has been swept up in a wave of democracy, leading the 21st century to be frequently referred to as the “century of democracy”—as well as the “century of human rights.” As awareness of human rights and the urgency of peace and prosperity continues to grow, the implementation of democracy has also become an increasingly serious demand. In fact, the implementation of democracy has even become a prerequisite for the implementation of other programs. International aid and cooperation, for example, in the 21st century are almost always provided on the condition of democracy; that is, cooperation will take place and aid will be provided to a country only if that country can demonstrate that it has implemented democracy properly and effectively. ***

Transforming Ethnocentrism into Nationalism

By Akhmad Zamroni

Primordialism and ethnocentrism are two of the many potential sources of conflict that can arise due to diversity in tribes, ethnic groups, religious affiliations, social classes, and so on. However, specifically regarding ethnocentrism, is this concept always a potential source of conflict with negative implications? It turns out that this is not the case. In addition to its negative aspects, ethnocentrism can also have positive aspects. Under certain circumstances, ethnocentrism can foster a sense of nationalism and patriotism. In other words, ethnocentrism can be “channeled” into nationalism and patriotism.

Hierarchically speaking, ethnocentrism appears to be the very foundation upon which nationalism and patriotism are built. When viewed in terms of the manner and sequence of their formation, nationalism and patriotism may well be further developments of ethnocentrism. The seeds of national spirit and love for the homeland found in nationalism and patriotism — whether consciously or unconsciously — are the result of the development of the “belief in one’s own superiority” inherent in ethnocentrism.

Nasionalisme Indonesia (Foto: Net)

The traits found in ethnocentrism are indeed similar to those found in nationalism and patriotism. All three tend to be characterized by “pride in oneself.” However, while ethnocentrism tends to be excessive — to the point of looking down on other groups — nationalism and patriotism are relatively proportionate and controlled, making them more courteous and civilized.

It is said that the growth and development of nationalism and patriotism are the result of the accumulation or combination of ethnocentrism emerging from ethnic, racial, social, religious, and other groups within a nation. Through this process, the emerging ethnocentrism coalesces into nationalism and patriotism. Therefore, when intergroup relations become strained, ethnocentrism is triggered to confront other groups; however, when the nation is in danger, the ethnocentrism of various groups coalesces to form a new unity known as nationalism and patriotism to confront the nation’s enemies.

Such a dynamic demonstrates that ethnocentrism can be harnessed to foster nationalism and patriotism. Indeed, ethnocentrism should be channeled into nationalism and patriotism. However, this channeling and utilization must be carried out in a controlled and civilized manner so that the resulting nationalism and patriotism do not degenerate into chauvinism. ***

Mendesak dan Tak Bisa Ditawar-Tawar, Diberlakukannya Hukuman Mati untuk Pelaku Korupsi

Oleh Akhmad Zamroni

Hukuman mati di Indonesia hingga kini masih menjadi pro kontra yang tak berkesudahan. Banyak aktivis hak asasi manusia (HAM) menentang hukuman mati karena dianggap bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai humanisme (kemanusiaan). Namun, seperti yang ditunjukkan oleh banyak survei media, tidak sedikit pula masyarakat Indonesia yang mendukung keberadaan dan pelaksanaan hukuman mati untuk para pelaku kejahatan tertentu, seperti pelaku penyalahgunaan narkoba, korupsi, dan terorisme. 

Di Indonesia penyalahgunaan narkoba, korupsi, dan terorisme selama ini memang sudah dikategorikan sebagai kejahatan luar biasa (extraordinary crime). Kejahatan luar biasa merupakan kejahatan yang berdampak luas, mendalam, sistemik, dan dapat membahayakan eksistensi dan kelangsungan bangsa dan negara sehingga para pelakunya dikenai ancaman hukuman maksimal berupa hukuman mati.

Tahanan KPK dalam kasus korupsi (Foto: Dewi/detikcom)

Namun, kendatipun penyalahgunaan narkoba, korupsi, dan terorisme digolongkan sebagai kejahatan luar biasa, penerapan hukuman bagi para pelakunya dinilai masih mengalami ketimpangan atau kesenjangan. Terorisme, penyalahgunaan narkoba, dan korupsi sama-sama digolongkan sebagai kejahatan luar biasa, tetapi kenyataannya baru pelaku kejahatan terorisme dan penyalahgunaan narkoba saja yang mendapat vonis dan menjalani hukuman mati.

Para pelaku kejahatan korupsi (koruptor) masih terbebas dari hukuman mati. Alih-alih divonis dan dieksekusi mati, para pelaku kejahatan korupsi banyak yang justru mendapat hukuman yang ringan, rata-rata jauh lebih ringan dibandingkan hukuman bagi para pelaku terorisme dan penyalahgunaan narkoba. Dalam banyak kasus, para koruptor bahkan mendapatkan hukuman yang lebih ringan daripada hukuman untuk para pelaku kejahatan biasa, seperti perampokan, pembunuhan, dan pemerkosaan.

 

Ketidakadilan Hukum dalam Penanganan Kejahatan Luar Biasa

Ketimpangan itu menunjukkan bahwa pemberian nama/istilah (nomenklatur) dan penggolongan kejahatan di Indonesia masih sangat jauh dari pelaksanaan yang konsisten dan berkeadilan. Nama atau istilah yang diberikan untuk jenis kejahatan luar biasa tidak sesuai dengan hukuman yang diberikan.

Pemberian hukuman kepada pelaku terorisme dan penyalahgunaan narkoba di sisi satu dan kepada pelaku korupsi di sisi lain terasa sangat diskriminatif dan tidak adil: banyak pelaku penyalahgunaan narkoba dan terorisme divonis dan dijatuhi hukuman maksimal (hukuman mati), sedangkan pelaku korupsi tidak atau belum satu pun yang memperoleh hukuman yang sama.

Hal itu menunjukkan adanya ironi besar dan aneh dalam upaya pencegahan dan penanggulangan kejahatan luar biasa di Indonesia. Kejahatan luar biasa dinilai dapat menimbulkan dampak yang hebat dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa, dan bernegara, tetapi penanganan hukumnya dilakukan secara berbeda-beda, terutama dalam memberikan hukuman kepada para pelakunya.

Khusus untuk korupsi, secara istilah telah digolongkan sebagai kejahatan luar biasa, tetapi praktik dan implementasi hukumnya menunjukkan dengan sangat gamblang bahwa korupsi tak lebih dari kejahatan biasa.Ini artinya, penggolongan korupsi sebagai kejahatan luar biasa cenderung sebatas lip service (pemanis bibir) saja, yang implementasinya telah menyebabkan diskriminasi dan ketidakadilan.

 

Eksekusi Mati untuk Koruptor

Pelaku kejahatan korupsi di Indonesia sudah lebih dari layak untuk diganjar dengan hukuman mati. Para pelaku korupsi yang terbukti melakukan korupsi dalam jumlah minimal tertentu pantas untuk dihukum mati seperti yang selama ini dialami para pelaku penyalahgunaan narkoba dan terorisme. Sudah sangat gamblang bahwa korupsi termasuk kejahatan luar biasa (extraordinary crime) sehingga hukuman bagi para pelakunya juga tidak bisa lagi diberikan dalam bentuk hukuman yang biasa.

Sebagai kejahatan luar biasa, korupsi harus diberantas dengan cara-cara yang luar biasa, antara lain, dengan pemberian hukuman yang luar biasa pula, yakni eksekusi mati. UU No. 31/1999 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi –– Pasal 2 Ayat (2) –– dengan jelas dan eksplisit menjadikan hukuman mati sebagai vonis maksimal bagi koruptor. Undang-undang ini, di antaranya, menyebutkan bahwa korupsi yang dilakukan ketika negara tengah mengalami krisis ekonomi dan moneter, bencana alam nasional, dan kerusuhan/krisis sosial, pelakunya dapat dijatuhi hukuman mati.

Baju untuk tahanan KPK (Foto: Merdeka.com/dwi narwoko)

Korupsi juga telah menimbulkan dampak destruktif yang hebat dari segi ekonomi dan sosial sehingga para koruptor pantas dihukum mati. Korupsi menyebabkan terjadinya kesenjangan dan krisis ekonomi parah sebagaimana yang terjadi pada tahun 1997/1998 silam sehingga memicu munculnya gerakan reformasi yang meruntuhkan rezim Orde Baru yang sangat korup. Korupsi juga menjadi salah satu penyebab utama maraknya ketidakadilan sosial akut yang memicu frustrasi, kemarahan, demonstrasi masif, kerusuhan sosial, konflik, serta disintegrasi bangsa seperti yang terjadi pada masa-masa genting tahun 1998–2000.

Mendesaknya pemberlakuan hukuman mati untuk para pelaku korupsi menjadi kian krusial dengan mempertimbangkan situasi dan kondisi politik, ekonomi, hukum, dan sosial Indonesia saat ini, yang dengan jelas ditandai maraknya politik transaksional, merajalelanya oligarki, makin menggilanya kolusi dan korupsi, kuatnya demokrasi prosedural, lemahnya daya beli masyarakat, terhimpitnya kehidupan rakyat oleh beratnya beban pajak, banyaknya pengangguran dan kemiskinan, tak kunjung berakhirnya diskriminasi hukum, merebaknya kejahatan sadis dan ekstrem, banyaknya kesewenang-wenangan pejabat dan aparat terhadap masyarakat, banyaknya kepicikan wakil rakyat dalam merespons aspirasi masyarakat, merebaknya perusakan lingkungan, serta makin parahnya konflik vertikal antara rakyat melawan pejabat-wakil rakyat.

Side Effects and Dangers of Having a High IQ

By Akhmad Zamroni

Having a child who is highly intelligent—and especially a child who is gifted (a genius)—is certainly a joy. It is a miracle that not everyone or every family is blessed with. Intelligent and gifted children can achieve many phenomenal accomplishments, which can elevate their parents and families to the pinnacle of pride.

However, it’s important to note that highly intelligent—and especially super-intelligent—children can also bring unexpected and dangerous side effects. What are these side effects? The latest research on intelligent and super-intelligent children, as well as the life stories of highly intelligent and genius figures, shows that extraordinary intelligence tends to lead its possessors toward skepticism and a lack of faith in the existence of God.

Currently, in line with improving nutritional standards, advances in medical and information technology, and the increasing number of interethnic and interracial marriages, a significant number of Indonesian children possess high levels of intelligence; some are even considered geniuses or near-geniuses. This means that if the education and guidance (especially religious instruction) provided to them is flawed or inappropriate, a tragic humanitarian and religious disaster could occur: upon reaching adulthood, they may stray into becoming people who doubt or even disbelieve in the existence of God.

For the record, several groups or communities of agnostics (who doubt the existence of God) and atheists (who do not believe in the existence of God at all) have already been established (covertly) in Indonesia. They are primarily active and engage in discussions through social media on the Internet (especially Facebook). One such community, for example, is Indonesian Atheists (IA), which consists of atheists and agnostics in Indonesia. According to Wikipedia, the Indonesian Atheists community currently has approximately 1,400 members.

There is also an anonymous community comprising agnostics and atheists, as well as religious individuals who are liberal and moderate. They do not dare to reveal the community’s name, but they refer to themselves as “Free Thinkers” (people who think freely and independently). There is also a discussion forum and community called ABAM, an acronym for “You Ask, Atheists Answer,” whose moderators or administrators are atheists. Just like Indonesian Atheists, Free Thinkers and ABAM are also highly active on social media (primarily Facebook). 

Multiple Intelligences (https://nsd.co.id/posts/teori-kecerdasan-majemuk.html/)

According to one NGO activist, the number of agnostics and atheists in Indonesia is currently estimated to be around 10,000 to 15,000 people. That is only an estimate of those organized within communities (organizations), while there are likely many more scattered outside these groups who are not affiliated with any community.

It should also be noted that many members of Indonesian Atheists and Free Thinkers, as well as ABAM activists, are young people under the age of 40. The founder of Indonesian Atheists, a man named Karl Karnadi, is a 35-year-old man; when he founded Indonesian Atheists on October 1, 2008, he was only about 24 years old.

The members of Indonesian Atheists and Free Thinkers, as well as the leaders of ABAM, were originally young people who believed in the existence of God. Before becoming agnostics and atheists, they adhered to established religions (Islam, Christianity, Catholicism, and so on) and practiced their faiths devoutly according to their respective religious teachings.

To date, the exact intellectual quotient (IQ) levels of the members of Indonesian Atheists and Free Thinker, as well as the ABAM mentors, remain unknown. However, based on online discussions, they are reportedly intelligent, critical-thinking young people who enjoy reading books (especially on science, politics, and philosophy).

Thus, at first glance, it can also be observed that the emergence of these agnostic and atheist communities is linked to the intelligence levels of their members. In other words, the members of these communities have become agnostics and atheists, to a greater or lesser extent, because they are influenced or shaped by their own intelligence.

The phenomenon of high intelligence—which can lead a person toward agnosticism and atheism on the one hand—and the emergence of agnostic and atheist communities in Indonesia on the other hand naturally cause concern among many circles. Indonesian society, which is generally religious and still regards religion as the primary guide for life, views agnostic and atheist attitudes as a disgrace that must be avoided and shunned because they constitute a grave sin.

From the perspective of national life and governance, agnosticism and atheism are also (considered) to be contrary to the state’s founding principles, Pancasila, and the 1945 Constitution. Both Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution state that the Indonesian state is based on belief in the One and Only God. This implies that every Indonesian citizen is obligated to believe in the existence of the Almighty and Creator God and to adhere to one of the religions recognized in Indonesia.

 

References

·        https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Einstein

·        https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indonesian_Atheists

·        https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen_Hawking

·        https://kumparan.com/kumparansains/benarkah-ateis-lebih-cerdas-dari-orang-beragama

·        https://sains.kompas.com/read/2017/07/10/160700123/terungkap.alasan.orang.cerdas.cenderung.jadi.ateis?page=all

·        https://tekno.tempo.co/read/504083/orang-cerdas-cenderung-jadi-ateis/full&view=ok

·        https://www.merdeka.com/dunia/penelitian-sebut-ateis-lebih-cerdas-ketimbang-orang-beragama.html

·        https://www.merdeka.com/khas/kami-tidak-percaya-tuhan-dalan-wujud-apapun-komunitas-ateis-5.html

·        https://www.merdeka.com/khas/kumpulan-penolak-tuhan-komunitas-ateis-2.html

·       1https://www.merdeka.com/khas/tanpa-tuhan-di-negeri-beriman-komunitas-ateis-4.html

·        https://www.suara.com/news/2019/07/10/080500/mereka-hidup-tanpa-tuhan-pengakuan-orang-orang-ateis-di-indonesia